G. Gurung1 and C. McVeigh2
1. Annapurna Conservation Area Project, King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation, Nepal
2. Department of Anthropology, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA
The Nar–Phu valley is located in the Manang District of north-central Nepal. Physically rugged and harsh, its surface consists mainly of rock and ice. By far the greatest usable land resource in the valley is grazing land, and not surprising, animal husbandry is an integral part of the household economies of both Nar and Phu villages. Yak constitute the main livestock species and their products are either directly consumed or traded for cash or other goods that are not produced locally. Given that animal husbandry is one of the most important economic activities, each household spends a considerable amount of time on livestock either directly or indirectly. Those households with insufficient labour resources co-operate with others to pool their yak into one herd. Residents also employ pastoral management strategies, including seasonal transhumance, deferred grazing and rotational grazing, to maintain the productivity of their collective rangeland resources. In both Nar and Phu traditional, indigenous councils still function to set, administer and enforce rules and regulations pertaining to resource management and use. Though residents of Nar and Phu do actively manage their pastoral resources in such a way as to maintain the long-term viability of the pastor sector, as attested to by the antiquity of the system in place, local people and others do see room for improvement and are amenable to upgrading their pastoral system to maximise the benefits that can be accrued. Features identified as areas for improvement include basic research, breeding, fodder production and management, damage by predators, market production, and economic diversification.
Keywords: Indigenous councils, labour organisation, Nepal, pastoral management strategies, transhumance patterns, yak
Yak are raised all along the northern border region of Nepal, mainly between elevations of 3000 and 5000 metres above sea level (masl). Though yak productivity is often low compared to some livestock species, the animals are hardy and can thrive in the harsh and high altitude environments of the High Himalaya. They also efficiently convert locally available resources into useful products, which help sustain pastoral families by providing such things as food, fuel, draft power and cash revenue. This paper looks at pastoral management and yak rearing in the Nar–Phu valley of Manang District. After positioning the local pastoral sector within the valley's larger environmental, social and economic framework, the paper focuses on the pastoral management systems of Nar and Phu. It begins by describing some of the features common to both places (such as labour organisation, pastoral management strategies, and traditional management institutions), and then details each village's annual transhumance pattern. The paper concludes by outlining areas for future research and development, as related to the local pastoral sectors of Nar and Phu.
The study area was visited to get firsthand information on the yak rearing systems of Nar and Phu. Both formal and informal methods were used, including rapid rural assessment techniques. Interviews with key informants and focus groups were designed to elucidate issues related to the yak rearing system, including its prospects and problems. Discussions were also undertaken to find the best way to improve the system to benefit the local community as a whole. A checklist was used to guide the discussions, and information gathered was crosschecked with other villagers whenever possible.
The Nar–Phu Valley is located in north-central Nepal, in the heart of the main Himalayan zone. Lying between 84°E–84°30'E and 28°35'N–28°53'N, the valley is both geographically and politically remote. Administratively part of Manang District, it sits adjacent to the Tibetan Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China, on the northern border of Nepal. Because of its politically sensitive location, the area has long been designated as a restricted zone by His Majesty's Government of Nepal, and is normally inaccessible to foreigners who can only go there with special permission. This fact, along with the physical difficulty of accessing the region during a significant part of the year, has stemmed the growth of tourism in the area, and kept it relatively isolated from the rest of the country.
The Nar–Phu valley is physically rugged and harsh. Its surface, which covers approximately 87,006 ha of land, consists mainly of rock and ice (Figure 1), which is of little use to local inhabitants. Forest cover is limited to less than 3% of the land surface, of which about 52% is temperate mixed forest, 14% conifer, and the rest bush. Cultivated land is extremely negligible, limited to only 0.1% of the total area. Of this, as much as 29% has been abandoned due to labour shortages, and/or insufficient irrigation and compost. For the most part, fields are normally found either on alluvial fans or along the sides of rivers.
Source: LRMP (1986).
Figure 1. Distribution of land resources in the Nar–Phu valley.
By far the greatest usable land resource in the Nar–Phu valley is grazing land, which accounts for approximately 20% of the available land surface. Local inhabitants used grazing lands to raise livestock, mainly yak. All grazing lands are located above 3000 masl, though the majority (about 90%) lie above 4000 masl. Their high altitude and associated low temperatures means that the growing season is short and their overall productivity is limited.
The two main villages in the valley, Nar and Phu, are located at approximately 4200 masl and 4000 masl, respectively, though villagers make use of lands as low as 3000 masl. Nar is the biggest village, harbouring 438 residents and 62 households. Phu is almost half this size, with only 180 residents and 36 households. Over the years, the population of both villages has declined due to the out-migration of people seeking better living conditions either in the district headquarters, Chame or the nation's capital, Kathmandu.
Culturally, the inhabitants of Nar and Phu share many affinities with other northern highlanders of Nepal, particularly those in Dolpo and the Limi region of Humla (von Furer-Haimendorf 1983). Like them, they practice Buddhism, rely heavily on animal husbandry (including yak), and are more culturally akin to their northern Tibetan neighbours than to Hindu lowlanders of Nepal. Linguistically, however, the people of Nar and Phu are more closely related to their Manang neighbours, though most people speak some Tibetan and a few men can read the classical Tibetan texts. According to von Furer-Haimendorf (1983), their language belongs to the same branch of the Tibeto-Burman family as Tamang, Gurung and Thakali.
The residents of Nar and Phu are economically versatile: animal husbandry, crop cultivation, herb collection and trade together constitute the basic life supporting activities of village residents. These four activities, which are fundamentally interrelated, are all complementary and none are practised on a full-time basis (Table 1).
Table 1. Nar and Phu villagers year-round time management.
Animal husbandry is an integral part of the household economy of both Nar and Phu, and every household raises livestock of one kind or another, including yak and yak-cattle crossbreeds, sheep, goats and horses. Yak constitutes the main livestock species, and owning them is considered a matter of prestige in the community (Richard et al. 1993). There is an estimated 1017 yak in Nar village, owned by a total of 43 households. These animals are divided into 22 herds, ranging from 15 to 90 head. Single households manage 11 (half) of the 22 herds, and 2 to 6 households jointly manage the rest. Phu village has an estimated 576 yak, which are owned by a total of 20 households. These are divided into 12 herds, ranging from 25 to 70 head. Of the 12 herds, single households manage 6 (half), and 2 to 3 households jointly manage 6 herds (Table 2).
The residents of Nar and Phu benefit from yak in many ways. Their products are either directly consumed, or traded for cash or other goods that cannot be produced locally. Animal products consumed locally include meat, milk and milk products, dung, wool and draft power. Meat, milk and milk products supplement the local diet and provide needed nutrients not readily available from other sources. Yak dung supplements fuel wood, and wool is used as the basic raw material for blankets and clothes woven and used locally. Draft power is necessary for both crop production and trade.
Trade items include animals themselves, milk products such as butter and chhurpi (a hard, dried cheese), and woollen products, particularly blankets (pherpa). A fully-grown yak (8–10 years old) sells for approximately NRs. 15,0001 or higher, and a chauri for around NRs. 10,000. These are sold mainly to the people of Ngishyang, a neighbouring valley in Manang District. A ser of butter (approximately 1.32 kg) sells for NRs. 300, and a pathi of chhurpi (approximately 3 kg) for NRs. 180. In one season, a milking animal can produce approximately 10 kg of butter and 30 kg of chhurpi. Similarly, on average an adult yak produces about 2 kg of wool per year. Roughly 15 kg of raw wool (about 6 dharnis) are needed to prepare one blanket, which sells for somewhere between NRs. 800–900.
Sheep and goat are also economically important, especially during September–October at the time of Dashain,2 when they are sold to buyers who come to the villages particularly for this purpose. Some people also keep cows for milk and/or horses for transportation.
Table 2. Yak herds of Nar and Phu.
Herd ID no. |
Nar village |
Phu village | ||
No. of contributing households |
Total no. of yak |
No. of contributing households |
Total no. of yak | |
1 |
4 |
75 |
3 |
63 |
2 |
4 |
60 |
2 |
60 |
3 |
1 |
30 |
3 |
63 |
4 |
1 |
40 |
2 |
70 |
5 |
1 |
25 |
2 |
70 |
6 |
2 |
55 |
2 |
50 |
7 |
1 |
35 |
1 |
40 |
8 |
2 |
90 |
1 |
50 |
9 |
6 |
60 |
1 |
30 |
10 |
2 |
45 |
1 |
25 |
11 |
2 |
45 |
1 |
25 |
12 |
1 |
25 |
1 |
30 |
13 |
2 |
22 |
– |
– |
14 |
1 |
15 |
– |
-– |
15 |
3 |
60 |
– |
– |
16 |
3 |
60 |
– |
– |
17 |
2 |
90 |
– |
– |
18 |
1 |
45 |
– |
– |
19 |
1 |
45 |
– |
– |
20 |
1 |
50 |
– |
– |
21 |
1 |
25 |
– |
– |
22 |
1 |
20 |
– |
– |
Total |
43 |
1017 |
20 |
576 |
The main crops cultivated in Nar and Phu are naked barley and potato, supplemented by wheat and buckwheat on limited lands. Crop production in the valley is extremely limited and only possible from April to August. Only one crop a year is harvested and production, which is subsistence-based, is insufficient to meet the local food demand. The shortfall is met by bartering animal products and herbs for either wheat or buckwheat from Ngishyang and Gyasumdo (two adjacent regions of Manang), or imported rice from Lamjung (a neighbouring district).
Jimbu (Allium sp.) is a herb, which grows in the alpine region of the valley, where it is specially protected and managed by the local communities. It is typically collected during August, and is considered an important trade item, particularly by the people of Phu. People from both Nar and Phu also collected juniper leaves during September–October, which are valued as incense. Both jimbu and juniper are dried and traded, mainly for rice during the winter trading period.
Winter (between November and March) is the main trading season for the residents of Nar and Phu. The main trade items are woolen and milk products, and aromatic herbs. These items are carried to sub-tropical regions of the country, where they are exchanged for either cash or kind. These, in turn, are used to purchase other items, which are also sold. This cycle continues so that throughout the winter months, money and goods are continuously revolving in a repeated process of business transaction. With the profits thus earned, individual traders cover their winter expenses and purchase household goods and food items used during the summer months back home.
The pastoral management systems of Nar and Phu are fairly similar, and several features are common to both villages. These include labour organisation, resource management strategies (e.g. seasonal transhumance, deferred grazing and rotational grazing), and traditional village councils responsible for resource management.
Households in Nar and Phu manage their labour resources in such a way as to ensure that the four major economic activities (animal husbandry, crop agriculture, herb collection, and trade) are covered. Animal husbandry is one of the most important economic activities and each household spends a considerable amount of time on livestock either directly or indirectly.
Milking yak and calves require considerable labour input during the summer, as lactating females are milked daily and both they and their young are corralled at night. Male yak and non-milking females are much less time consuming, as they are left to graze freely on open pastures both in winter and summer. They usually only require the occasional eye from time to time to locate them and check on their well-being. Yak are not generally stall-fed, though under harsh winter conditions calves may be fed grasses collected for this purpose.3 Sheep and goats are closely tended throughout the year, as they are vulnerable to predators such as snow leopards. During summer they are taken to summer pasture but kept relatively close to the village area. Come the cold season they are moved down to the winter settlement area and fed dried grasses and agricultural by-products. Both in summer and winter they are kept inside pens at night. Horses are left free to roam in the summer pastures but kept corralled during winter. Like sheep and goats, they are fed dried grasses and agricultural by-products. Milking cows are tended like sheep and goat, but oxen are pastured like horses.
To utilise labour efficiently for pastoral activities, households with insufficient labour resources co-operate with extended family members, clan members or friends to pool their yak into one herd. Participating households then take turns tending the animals, and families with more animals tend the herd for a greater number of days (calculations are usually based on the proportion of milking females which each household contributes to the herd). The household responsible for the herd at any given time has the right to harvest all the milk produced during that period. In both Nar and Phu, the majority of households co-operate in this way, and exactly half of the herds are managed jointly. Of a total 34 yak herds in Nar and Phu, 17 (11 of Nar's 22 and 6 of Phu's 12) are made up of animals pooled from 2 to 6 households. Likewise, almost three-quarters of Nar households herd their animals jointly (32 of 43 households), and two-thirds of households from Phu (14 of 20 households) (Table 2). This mainly applies during the summer season, as animals are not generally milked nor actively herded during the winter months except to periodically locate them and/or rescue them in case of emergency. This is because most active family members are out of the village during this time, and children and old people are not well suited to herding and milking larger animals like yak.
The residents of Nar and Phu employ a number of pastoral management strategies to help them maintain the productivity of their rangeland resources at a level adequate to meet their long-term needs. Strategies used include seasonal transhumance, deferred grazing and rotational grazing.
Almost all yak-raising systems in Nepal involve some kind of migratory process, usually both vertical and horizontal. Animal movements are usually timed to accord with seasonal variations in climate, pasture conditions, and drinking water and labour availability. Like most of Nepal's highland pastoralists, herders from Nar and Phu practice a form of seasonal transhumance whereby animals are moved between winter (Gunsa) and summer (Yarsa) grazing areas. This strategy not only allows herders to increase their overall available grazing area, but it also reduces grazing pressure and minimises the threat of overgrazing in summer and winter pastures by allowing areas to regenerate during the time they are left ungrazed.
Unlike other areas in Nepal and elsewhere, however, there is not great altitudinal variation between the winter and summer pastures of Nar and Phu (approximately 3600 to 4200 masl). Instead, one of the main determining factors for classifying pasture as winter or summer is their accessibility. Generally speaking, summer pastures are inaccessible during the winter months due to unfavourable climatic conditions such as cold temperatures and heavy snows. Winter pastures, however, are usually accessible from the winter settlements, making it easier for herders to check on animals periodically. Throughout the winter yak may go to higher altitudes when there is little snow, but stay close to human settlements when precipitation is high.
In both Nar and Phu, people assign relatively more importance to their winter pastures than they do to the summer grazing areas. This is because winter pastures must provide forage to animals for the greater part of the year (approximately 7 months in Nar and longer in Phu) though they are smaller in area than summer grazing lands. In addition, winters are harsh, and most animal deaths occur during this time (caused mainly by starvation due to inadequate forage, natural catastrophes such as avalanches, or depredation by predators like the snow leopard). This is even truer of Phu, where the winter pastures are higher (mainly above 4000 masl) and used for a longer period of time.
The herders of both Nar and Phu practice a form of deferred grazing, and the movement of animals between summer and winter pasture areas is strictly regulated and co-ordinated with the agricultural calendar (von Furer-Haimendorf 1983). In both villages, animals are not brought down from the summer pastures until the crops and winter grasses have been harvested. After this, animals are allowed into crop fields to feed on crop residues for some time before being brought into the lower winter grazing lands. Those who do not adhere to the dates set by the community are penalised and fined according to a prescribed set of sanctions (see below).
To avoid overgrazing and to maintain forage productivity and range condition, herders from Nar and Phu rotate their animals from pasture to pasture, both in their summer and winter herding areas. This technique can actually increase forage production by as much as 40%; compared to those areas where rotational grazing is not practised (Alirol 1979). As in most grazing systems, actual rotation times vary depending on the quantity and quality of available forage, the number of animals utilising the pasture area, and the season of use (generally animals need to be rotated more frequently in winter, when forage is grown old, less nutritious, and less abundant than in the summer).
Prior to 1973 (before the introduction of government institutions in the Nar–Phu valley) the villages of Nar and Phu were governed by traditional, indigenous councils, which set, administered and enforced rules and regulations pertaining to community affairs. Today, though government and other formal and/or legal institutions have overtaken many of their functions and activities, these traditional councils are still active and very much alive. Though they operate informally and without government recognition or sanction, they continue to play a vital role at the village level.
These councils continue to regulate vital matters pertaining to resource management and use, among other things. For example, they determine the dates for livestock movements, crop harvesting, grass collection and herb collection, usually setting the dates in close consultation with monastic leaders to determine the best time for executing activities according to the lunar calendar. The councils also see to it that these dates are respected, and enforce sanctions in the form of monetary fines when they are not. They collect annual animal and grain taxes from each household before the start of the winter migration, according to rates fixed long ago.4 The income received from taxes and fines is divided among the council members as a form of remuneration for their services on the council. Since membership on the council is rotated annually and all households take a turn, the system is considered fair and is accepted by the community at large. The council is also expected to use the funds to host an annual feast in November, in honour of the formal Village Development Committee. At this time, a goat is usually slaughtered and the next year's council members appointed.
The councils, called Ghampa-Ngerpa and Gamba-Lhenjing5 in Nar and Phu, respectively, are made up of two types of members: decision-makers (called ghamba in both Nar and Phu) and decision implementers (called chow in Nar and Lenjing in Phu). Both, however, are involved in all activities. All household heads have to hold both types of posts at least once in their lifetime. Membership is rotational, and eligibility is based on residence (villagers only), age (15 to 60 years old), sex (men only), and marital status (married men only). Residents above 60 years of age are waived from active membership, and unmarried men are not included.
In Nar, the council has 7 members altogether (4 decision-makers and 3 decision implementers), whereas Phu only has 5 (3 and 2, respectively). Council members come from different clans,6 and community rivalries are based more on clan affiliation than on political ideology. Since one Nar clan has more member households than the others, that clan has to hold two ghamba posts. In Phu because there are only 2 Lenjing posts, these are rotated between the clans annually.
Once the crops are harvested and the livestock are moved to the winter pastures, the duties of the existing council are fulfilled. They then hand-over their positions to the new council members, who will take up their responsibilities immediately after the winter migration is complete.
In Nar, no animals (including yak) are allowed to come down into the village and/or winter pastures between the first week of June and the first week of September. There are two barriers in Nar: a long stonewall just below the village and the other being the Nar River. If any animal crosses these lines during the summer, the owner of that animal is fined. If the first barrier is crossed, the fine is NRs. 5.00 per animal irrespective of the species. If the second line is crossed, the fine is NRs. 10.00. If the owner does not willingly pay or argues the case, the fine may go higher. The traditional village council is responsible for enforcing these rules and collecting fines.
As the summer agricultural season draws to an end in Nar, villagers begin to collect all the grasses from around their fields prior to the actual crop harvest. The main grass species collected is Pennisetum flaccidium, known locally as ramchhi, though other herbaceous plants are also collected. In August, the crops are harvested. As soon as the crops are harvested (usually by the last week of August), and their vegetative portions such as roots, stems, leaves, threshed out residues etc. are stored for the winter, livestock, including yak, are brought from Lepche (where the summer pastures are located) to graze. This movement usually takes place in the first week of September.
After grazing for about 15 days on leftover plants and crop residues around the village, yak are again moved back to the closest summer pastures—Jambu and Chubche7—for a short time. Yak are not taken to the interior parts of the summer pastures at this time, both because they will have to move out again shortly, and because snow is due at any time and it is difficult to evacuate the animals after it comes. Dung collection is also easier closer to the village. During the short grazing of yak in these sites, the villagers finish harvesting their crops and grass in the winter settlements of Meta, Jhunam and Chyakhu. When the harvest is complete and the grains and grasses have been stored, yak are moved into the winter pastures, usually in the second week of October.
In Nar, both yak and pastures are divided into two groups for winter grazing. The winter pastures are divided between an area called Namya, and that, which includes the pastures surrounding Meta, Jhunam and Chyaku. Of the two groups of yak, one group goes to Namya and the other remains near the winter settlements. Namya is said to have very good pasture, and indeed supports almost twice as many herds as the other sites combined (14 of 22), and almost twice as many animals (640 head went to Namya during the 1999/2000 winter season, as opposed to 377 which went to Meta, Jhunam and Chyaku). Namya is relatively inaccessible during the winter,8 and as male yak are required throughout the winter season for occasional transportation, they are not taken to this site. Instead, only females, which are not used for transportation, are taken to Namya during the winter.9 The herds that go to Namya are not permitted to stay more than a day at Meta on their way.
9. There are some exceptions to this rule. Households with weak animals can ask permission to join the Namya group, and will most likely receive it if the request is considered justified. Likewise, the same is true if too many yak are thought to be stationed in the other winter herding stations. Richard et al. (1993) also mentioned that use rights in these pastures could, under some conditions, be bought and sold.
As the winter season draws to a close, the group of yak from Meta, Jhunam and Chyakhu are also moved to Namya, where they join the rest of the village herds. This is generally in the 4th week of April. All the yak of Nar village then stay together in Namya for about a month, usually until the end of May.
Within the first week of June, all yak from Namya are moved to Meta, then to the village and ultimately on to the summer pastures of the Lepche valley. Since by this time all crops have been sown, yak will not stay either in Meta, the village, or any other stations en route for more than one night. Within the second week of June, the animals are required to reach the summer pasture area. Should any herd be delayed, the owner(s) will be fined. This rule is strictly followed, as overstaying in the winter pastures means that grass needed for the following winter is jeopardised.
From June to October, until the yak are again moved down to the winter pastures, all the yak of Nar village remain inside the Lepche valley. The herds are moved from one site to another depending upon the availability of grass at any given location. They start grazing from the bottom of the valley and proceed into the higher regions gradually over the season, coming down again as the climate gets colder and as they prepare for the winter migration. Once in the summer pastures, males and some non-milking females are separated from the milking animals and calves, and driven to higher pastures. The lactating females and calves remain in the bottom of the valley or at lower stations, where tending and milking are easier for the herders. This division of the herd helps to balance the use of available grass, given the limited growing season and pasture area.
Like Nar, the pastures of Phu are divided into summer and winter grazing areas. The summer pastures are Lhonga, Ghurusangma, Kulung, Ngaru and Pangre, and the winter pastures are Ghyo, Gungale and Namjunge. Within each major pasture area there are several sub-areas where yak are moved within a given period of time. Lhonga, Ghurusangma, Kulung and parts of Ngaru are used throughout the summer, whereas parts of Ngaru and Pangre are used only after jimbu (Allium sp.) is collected in the second week of August.
In Phu, yak are not permitted into the village or the summer pasture areas before the first week of May. They may remain in the higher elevation sites of the winter pastures for another month, however, as long as they reach the summer pastures by the first week of June. Like Nar, any infraction of this rule is subject to a fine, administered and enforced by the traditional community council. In Phu, the fine is NRs. 5.00 per animal, and again like in Nar, if the offender tries to avoid payment the amount may increase (in the past some people are said to have paid as much as NRs. 2000). Also like Nar, yak are not allowed back down into the village and/or winter pastures until the crops have been harvested in accord with the date set by the community. After the crops are in, yak are moved from Ngaru and Pangre to fields close to the village in the first week of September, where they graze on crop residues for about 10–15 days. They are then moved back to Ngaru and Pangre, where they remain until the end of November.
In last week of November, yak are moved down to the winter pastures. Unlike Nar, Phu does not distinguish between the winter pastures, nor are yak divided into separate groups for winter grazing. Instead, Phu residents can move their yak herds to any winter pasture they choose. As noted above, throughout the winter yak are rotated between pastures according to the prevailing weather, forage and predator conditions.
It is obvious that residents of Nar and Phu actively manage their pastoral resources, and the antiquity of their system attests to the fact that they have been doing so in such a way as to ensure the long-term viability of the system as a whole. However, both local people and others do see room for further improvement, and are amenable to upgrading their pastoral system to maximise the benefits that can be accrued, and ensure the continued productivity of the pastoral sector. Because grazing land and livestock movements are still managed by local traditional councils in Nar and Phu villages, and the communities trusted these councils to keep the system functioning effectively, any improvement activities in yak rearing in this region should utilise and build on this local social organisation.
Outlined below are some features of the pastoral system, which have been identified as areas for improvement.
A systematic assessment of the contemporary pastoral systems of Nar and Phu is needed. Milk yields,10 wool yields and growth rates of yak should be recorded under different conditions and seasons. Data is also required to assess the number of animals, which die (for various reasons) and/or are sold each year.
The physical isolation of both Nar and Phu due to the rugged and mountainous terrain on all sides of the valley severely limits the size of the breeding population of both villages, which do not have access to even each other's bulls. It is not currently known to what extent this has affected inbreeding in the yak population, or even whether this is a problem. Research needs to be carried out to both document the local yak breeds, and to assess the genetic and reproductive viability of the population.
Though local people do selectively breed their animals to a small extent,11 crossbreeding local herds with relatively productive breeds from outside the region could be promoted to improve the productivity of yak in Nar and Phu. To facilitate this, local herders would need to be trained in animal breeding.
Figure 2. Transhumance pattern of yak in Nar village.
Figure 3. Transhumance pattern of yak in Phu village.
Currently, the local people do not feed hay to yak in winter, despite the fact that yak are the principal livestock species; one of the mainstays of the economy, and starvation during winter is one of the main causes of animal loss. There are several reasons for this:
1. Yak are left free to roam throughout the winter, and reaching them when snowfall is heavy is difficult.
2. Hay is not sufficient for all livestock which require winter fodder.
3. Residents think of yak as hardy animals that can survive in the harsh winter environment.
To minimise the number of animals lost in winter due to starvation, grass should be cultivated to use as fodder in the winter months. Richard et al. (1993) recommended some suitable grass species such as Elymus nutans (wild rye grass) and Medicago falcata (alfalfa). Such grasses can be grown on the corners of fields. Potential sites for growing grasses are the winter settlement sites of Chyaku, Jhunam and Meta (Nar village) and Kyang (Phu village). These sites were once cultivated with crops but have since been abandoned because of lack of labour, irrigation water and declining soil fertility. Irrigation facilities should be revived at these sites and grasses, which can be grown on low fertility soils, should be promoted. The mistake made by the government's Northern Pasture Development Project in the 1980s, which tried to promote ecologically unsuitable exotic species of fodder, should be avoided at all cost.
The local population considers depredation of livestock by snow leopards a problem. Because the snow leopard has no alternative habitat, programmes should be developed to minimise the conflict between domestic yak and the wild cat and promote the co-existence of both populations. Experiences from the adjoining Ngishyang valley suggest that avoiding core areas (e.g. those areas close to dens or which overlap the territories of more than one leopard) help reduce the incidence of destruction. Herders should also be made aware of the need to cautiously watch animals grazed at these sites or on rough and bushy terrain. A detailed study is required to understand the depredation phenomenon, and to develop a depredation management programme.
Yak products are currently processed and marketed using traditional methods and techniques. The quality of products can be upgraded to fetch a higher market price, especially milk products such as butter and chhurpi, which can be sold at the nearby tourist market in Ngishyang. Herders and other community members need to be trained appropriately to develop the necessary skills and techniques needed to tap this market.
A considerable quantity of dried yak meat is shipped to Kathmandu from Nar and Phu every year. This is sold mainly to Manang people residing in Kathmandu, but there is a larger market for such meat in Nepal, which is currently not being tapped. Hygienically dried and packed yak meat could also be promoted to add value to this product. In addition to the blankets already being produced, high quality woolen shawls could be produced out of fine yak wool, which can fetch a higher market price than the present products. Souvenir products can also be produced from coarse wool.
Promoting activities other than traditional ones could diversify the economic base of this area. Opening the area to controlled tourism could be one such activity. However, the impacts of tourism should be cautiously managed by controlling the number of tourists into the area, and by making both tourists and locals aware of the negative and positive aspects of the tourism industry. Tourism should ideally be managed so that it is integrated into the whole economic system, to ensure that it does not conflict with traditional socio-economic activities.
Alirol P. 1979. Transhuming animal husbandry systems in the Kalingchowk region (Central Nepal): A comprehensive study of animal husbandry on the southern slopes of the Himalayas. Swiss Association for Technical Assistance, Integrated Hill Development Project, Kathmandu, Nepal.
von Furer-Haimendorf C. 1983. Bhotia highlanders of Nar and Phu. KAILAS 10(1–2):64–117.
Gurung N.J. 1977. An ethnographical note on Nar–Phu Valley. KAILAS 5(3):230–244.
LRMP (Land Resource Mapping Project). 1986. Land use maps of Nepal. His Majesty's Government of Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal.
Richard C.S., Ale W. King and Shrestha K.S. 1993. Land use practices in Nar village, Manang District. An assessment for the Annapurna Conservation Area Project. A report submitted to the King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation, Kathmandu, Nepal.
